AN ANALYSIS IN ASSESSING THE CATEGORIES OF WORDS BORROWED INTO ANUFO

The study was to linguistically analyze loanwords in Anufo. The study set forth to assess the kinds /types of words that are borrowed into Anufo. The research approach used was qualitative and the design is case study. This study used a total number of 30 participants. Ten (10) participants from each of the three selected communities were selected randomly and purposefully. The data collection strategies used for the study were interview, observation, and documents. The theoretical framework used for the study is Basic Linguistic Theory (Dixon 1997). The study established that Anufo has historically and socially heavily borrowed words from the three main languages, English, Likpakpaln and Akan, to fill lexical gaps. Apart from nouns, the main types of words that are borrowed into Anufo are adjectives, verbs, adverbs, and conjunctions. Borrowing in Anufo is distinct from other Ghanaian languages such as Likpakpaln. This is because Likpakpaln has closed syllable types like that of English language. Anufo syllables are of the open type therefore, when the borrowed word has a closed syllable, it must be repaired to be nativized. When a borrowed word into Anufo has a vowel other than /a/ at its initial position needs to go through some repair strategies for such a word to be nativised. A semantic and a comparative study of loanwords are recommended to find out differences and similarities of loanword adaptation strategies in the Ghanaian languages.

Loanword (or lexical borrowing) is here defined as a word that at some point in the history of a language entered its lexicon because of borrowing (or transfer, or copying) (Haspelmath, 2008).
It means that through the process of loaning (Yule, 2010), Anufo gets new words from other languages. When words are borrowed into Anufo, the words are nativised to sound more Anufo than the language from which words are borrowed. In nativising the borrowed words, several phonological processes occur.
Anufo has no consonant cluster (e.g. sk, sp) in its syllable structure. Because of this, when you get a word with consonant cluster, the native speakers normally insert some sounds so that they can pronounce those words as their own (word).
In Anufo (language) except for the nasal consonants (m, n, ᶇ), the rest of the consonants cannot end a syllable. Because of that, when you get a word which ends with a consonant (a consonant as coda) which is not a nasal consonant, a vowel is then added to that consonant.
The difference between borrowing and loaning is that borrowing is a word which was not part of the language's vocabulary, but it has been taken from a language and has become part of the vocabulary of the language that borrowed it, but loaning is a way the language picks words from other languages and adds them (words) to its vocabulary (Yule, 1996:65).
Anufo as a language has borrowed a lot from many languages such as English, Twi, Likpakpaln (Konkomba), Hausa, French, and others. These loanwords have become so much in Anufo so that the language is becoming a mixed language.
The study seeks to assess the kinds/types of words that are borrowed into Anufo. The study would add to the existing literature in linguistics in general, and the area of the study of loanwords in Anufo. It will also serve as a guide for further research on the phenomenon in the Anufo language.

Anufo Consonant
The table below is an Anufo consonant chart. Consonant charts of individual languages are unique to those languages. That is, every language has unique consonant sounds well represented on consonant charts for learners/users of the said languages. It is for this reason that the consonant sounds of Anufo is displayed for all to study and understand how these sounds are distributed.

Anufo Vowels
A vowel as a unit of the sound system of a language needs to be mastered by learners and language researchers in order to understand how a particular language operates. The Anufo vowel chart is presented here to help the understanding of the issues of loanwords of Anufo better.

Distribution of Anufo Vowels
Not all Anufo vowels can occur in word initial position, that is, at the beginning of the words. None of the Anufo vowels except for the central unround open vowel /a/ can occur in word-initial position. All the Anufo vowels can occur in word-medial position.
All Anufo vowels with the exception of the high-front unround unadvanced vowel / ɪ / can occur in word final position.

Word
Gloss

Anufo Vowel Harmony
Anufo speakers use Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) Harmony in daily conversation in speech and in writing. The distribution of the vowel qualities of Anufo in words is such that, it is possible to group the vowels into two sets as follows: Set I [i, e,o, u] (advanced vowels). Set II [ɪ, ɛ, a, ɔ, ʊ] (unadvanced vowels) In general, in any Akan word of two or more syllables, only the vowels of one set may occur. This means that there is a restriction on the distribution of these vowels which do not generally allow the vowels of set I to occur in the same word in the vowels in Set II, (Dolphyne, 2006: 15).
Since Anufo is linguistically classified as one of the Tano language spoken by the Akan ethnic group (Dolphyne, 2006), this phenomenon also applies. Anufo has no [ae]. Below are words in Anufo that support this: i. [fie] ii.

Nasal vowels
Nasal feature is phonemic in Anufo. This means that nasalization brings abut meaning change in words in Anufo. There are five vowels in Anufo that can be nasalized. Vowel nasality is not indicated in Anufo autography although it is phonemic.

The Syllable in Anufo
Dolpyne (2006, p.52) posits that, the syllable structure of a language is generally stated in terms of the consonant (C), and the vowel (V) that make it up. She went further to say that, in Akan the syllable is also described in terms of the tone on which the consonant and/or vowel which make up the syllable are uttered. Anufo has been identified with three (3) main syllable types i. Vowel only -V: a -kɔ 'fowl' ii.

Tone in Anufo
Anufo as Akan, is a tone language which means that the meaning of a word depends not only on the vowels and consonant of which the word is made, but also on the relative pitch on which each syllable of the word is pronounced (Dolphyne, 2006, p.52).
In the following example the tone marks are (´) for high tone, said on relatively high pitch, and (`) for low tone, said on a relative low pitch. These tones are marked on syllabic sounds within the structure Anufo tones are marked on vowels and syllabic consonants. For example, the word 'kere' could have three meanings depending on the tones that are assigned on the vowels. The examples below will illustrate this point. In the example the word [kéré] 'bottle' is assigned high tones.
The word [kèré] 'hat'/ 'cap' on the other hand is assigned low tone on the first syllable and high tone on the second syllable. The last word [kèrè] shows low tones on both syllables to mean to teach or to show.
Because of the same form with three different tones, the result is different words. The examples below attest to this.
Kèrè "teach/show" Heine (1968) studies the allocation of borrowed words within the nominal class system of some Togo Remnant languages. He indicates that languages are affected as a result of borrowing by the language contact situation which is traced back to the 19th century. He notes that there are two main periods of borrowing. The first period he said began after the arrival of the first European ships in 1470 till the 19th century, and borrowed words of this period were derived from nations like Portugal, Denmark, and the Netherlands. The later period began at the end of the last century, and the lexical items were borrowed from English and French which were the official languages of Togoland. Heine (1968) believes the borrowed words of these two periods can partly be distinguished by a synchronic approach through phonological criteria. Words of the earlier period to him were completely adapted to the phonological structure of the Togo Remnant languages, and are no longer considered as borrowed, whereas loanwords of the later period tend to fluctuate in their phonological shape, depending mainly on factors such as age, sex, education, and origin of the speaker. Heine (1968) further establishes that even if phonemes occurring in the loanwords conform to the structure of the borrowing language, their arrangements sometimes conflict with the patterns found elsewhere in the language. Another point Heine (1968) makes is that the loan+7words of European origin, which are found in the Togo Remnant languages, have not been taken over directly, but instead, those words have passed through the African lingua franca Ewe and Akan.

Language contact and borrowing
The southern and eastern Togo Remnant languages (a) borrowed mostly from Ewe, and the western languages (b) of this group from Akan. The argument Heine (1968) raised in support of such a trend of borrowing is because the predominant lingua franca in the area where the languages of (a) are spoken is Ewe, while the influence of Akan prevails in that of the languages of (b). Heine (1968) asserts that typologically, most of the Togo Remnant languages are marked by the possession of a noun class system. Each noun within these languages, he says, belongs to a particular class which is distinguished by nominal affixes, in most cases prefixes, and also by concord markers. The singular/plural distinction is marked by a change of affixes within the class.
Due to this, the allocation of loanwords to the nominal class system follows a semantic criterion: nouns which are animate (human beings or animals) are allocated to class I and receive their own class markers o-/ba-, and those which are inanimate are allocated to class II, which has the class markers o-/le-or o-/ti-. If the vowel following the first consonant of the loanword is /a/, /ɛ/ or /ɔ/, the allomorph of the plural prefix is tɛ- (Heine, 1968). If any other vowel occurs, the allomorph, he notes, is ti-. Based on Heine's (1968) findings, he puts the incorporation of borrowed nouns into the noun class systems of the Togo Remnant languages into three different criteria: (a) Automatic allocation: this he remarks is where because nouns share the characteristic of being loanwords; they are allocated to a certain class. This class then gains the connotation of a 'loanword class'.
In languages where automatic allocation occurs, Heine (1968) mentions that class I is used for this purpose which otherwise contains only 'animate noun'. (b) Phonological allocation: Heine notes that this is where a noun is allocated to a certain class because of the phonological similarity of one of its segments to the nominal affix of that class. This criterion, he indicates, was found in all the languages he examined. (c) Semantic allocation: where a noun is allocated to a certain class due to certain common characteristics its meaning shares with that of the other nouns of this class (Heine, 1968).
The following classification is arrived at from the above criteria as grounds for a typology of languages according to the pattern of loanword allocation: Type Language Criterion I Nyangbo (a) II Lelemi (c) III Santrokofi (a) (b) IV Bowili, Likpe (c) (b) (Heine, 1968, p. 136). Heine's typology shows that there is no apparent correlation between the way in which the Togo Remnant languages treat their borrowed nouns and the degree of historical relationship between these languages. He observes that Lelemi, Santrokofi, and Likpe allocate their loanwords to classes on different principles, although they are genetically very closely related. Bowili and Likpe on the other hand, which belong to the same type, show only a remote genetic relationship. Anufo is not a noun class system but I believe Heine's (1968) work being one of the earlier works on loanwords in the Ghanaian and Togolese context, it contributed a lot to this research. Specifically, this work was relevant in the area of the phonological shape of Anufo loanwords. Ansre (1971) argues that, it is not the structures involved that seem more important but the social mixing and the acculturation in the borrowing process. According to him, it is the social mixing and the acculturation of the people in the contact situation, coupled with psychological factors that explain what items get borrowed into the target language. The focus of Ansre's (1971) work is on the contact situation and factors that condition the borrowing of the loanwords. He argues that due to the contact situation in Ghana and the factors that condition the borrowing of the loanwords, the areas in which words have been borrowed in the Ghanaian context are technology, artifacts, education, government and entertainment. However, Ansre (1971) believes a consideration of the structural processes that the loanwords undergo alongside the above mentioned will give a better understanding to the study of loanwords. Thus, the two will complement each other. The contact situation and factors that condition the borrowing of loanwords, and the study of the structural processes are what Dzameshie (1996) also advocates, as it draws a prudent balance between social and structural factors in describing linguistic borrowing. The reason for his position is that structural and social factors complement each other in the process of borrowing as well as in determining the phonological shape of the borrowed items. Considering Ansre's (1971) work, the areas he mentioned, as well as other probable areas for words to be borrowed were factored into the selection of domains for data collection for this research. Agbedor (2006) also examines Ewe loanwords and the motivation for their use. He notes that Ewe were in contact with the Europeans during the Gold Coast era which led to borrowing of lexical items from such speaker groups into the Ewe language. Among such people were the Portuguese through trade contact. The second groups were the Danish, and the Germans through colonization. The Ewes also had contact with the English through trade and religion, thus Christianity. The other people that he mentions Ewe had contact with, and borrowed lexical items from, are the local Ghanaian languages such as the Gas and Dangmes through boundary sharing at the southern part of the Volta Region and the Akans through the same boundary sharing at the northern part. On the part of motivation for borrowing, Agbedor (2006) observes that the most important motivation was need, followed by simplicity and then prestige.
Furthermore, Adomako (2008) sheds light on loanword adaptation phenomenon in Akan and presupposes those foreign words with sequences of obstruents and wordfinal obstruents, being adopted into the language have to go through some processes, such as vowel epenthesis and consonant deletion in order to match with the requirement in the native grammar. Adomako (2008) considers only two of the phonological processes, so this work built upon what he found and thus considered other processes apart from those two. Dorvlo (2011) examines Ewe (a non-noun class language) borrowings into Logba (an active noun class system language). Dorvlo's study shows agreement between Logba NP which is cross-referenced on the verbs in a form that agrees with the class of the subject. This borrowing of items from Ewe into Logba, to him, is due to the dominance of Ewe, a majority language on Logba a minority language. The classes of borrowing that Dorvlo (2011) looks at are in nouns, locative verbs, grammatical items (relativizers, conjunctions, and clause linkers) and cultural expressions. Other domains noted for Logba borrowing are proverbs, riddles and emotional expressions. The observations Dorvlo (2011) makes are that nouns borrowed from Ewe (a non-noun class language) are allocated to a particular class because the semantics of a given noun shares some common characteristics with existing Logba nouns in the class. Also, Ewe verbs borrowed and used as locative verbs in Logba conform to the Logba pattern of displaying agreement with the subject. However, in the borrowed grammatical items, Dorvlo (2011) discovered that Logba speakers have forms very similar to the ones in Ewe. Dorvlo's (2011) conclusion on these findings is that there is a contact-induced change in progress in which a noun class system of a minority language is exposed to interference by a majority language. Dorvlo's work outlines both conformity and non-conformity to the source and the target languages, so this informed this research to consider both trends in the Anufo context.

Methodology
The approach adopted for this study is qualitative and the research design is a case study. Denzin and Lincoln (1994) posit that 'qualitative research is multi-method in focus, involving an imperative, naturalistic approach to its subject matter'. A case study is an in-depth analysis of one or more events, settings, programs, groups, or individuals.
The study used a total number of 30 participants. 15 females and 15 males were considered for the study. The reason for the gender balance is that the male and female, the educated and the uneducated do not share the same social interest so their ideas and speech characteristics may differ. Convenient sampling of the non-random sampling approach was used. Thirty (30) people were selected for the focus group discussion and interviews. Subjects were selected from Kpelema, Kwame Akura, and Nwane in the Krachi East Municipality of the Oti Region of Ghana. Among the 30 were also monolinguals and bilinguals.

Verbs loaned into Anufo lexicon
The word class that Anufo has borrowed more of its lexical items from except for a noun is the verb. The speakers of Anufo use borrowed verbs frequently in their daily interactions. Verbs which most of them being action words are borrowed into Anufo by practitioners of certain professions (such as carpentry, masonry welding and others) which mostly use these words which hitherto were not part of the Anufo culture. Table  1 shows some examples of verbs that are borrowed into Anufo. In the same conversation other verbs from English were also used. Utterance 2 and 3 by participant C.S as follows: 2. Mene dɛ a fere m kɔnguɛ na a jujɔ agaya n kaate u ɔ 1SG FOC 2SG call 1SG night and 2SG talk plenty 1SG FUT cut you FOC 'As for me when you call me in the night and you talk too much, I will cut you off' 3. Makɔ ma ʃikuli dɛ ama n shi tworɔ kanka 1SG go NEG school FOC but 1SG know write small small 'I did not go to school, but I can write a little bit'.
The above words were some of the verbs (loanwords) used by a participant (credit seller) when I called on her for an interview. The loanwords in (1-3) are kirediti 'credit', kaate 'cut' and tworɔ 'write' respectively. The words from 1 and 2 are English loanwords while the word in 3 is an Akan loanword. Other artisans visited for interviews also used some borrowed verbs especially from English. Verbs like pileni 'to plain a wood', mikisi 'to mix something especially concrete or mortar', kɔnkɔnsa 'gossip'and invayiti 'to invite someone for an occasion or something'. These verbs are borrowed from other languages because they (verbs) are not in Anufo to explain certain concepts or ideas in the language. An utterance 4 by participant W.W: 4. Yԑ pileni bakaam ɔ ka na yԑfa yo biԑm. 1PL plane woods FOC before 1PLuse make chairs. 'We plane woods before we use them to produce chair.s' Utterance 5 from participant B.L: 5. Fa mikisi iti dwԑrԑ ama sɔ ta ti ma kekere. Sand mix PROG is problem but house build is NEG difficult. 'Sand mixing is the problem but to build is not difficult'.
Uttrerance 6 from K.A: 6. A ŋa a di u bawu cheԑ de a invayiti u bengum 2SG want 1SG chop 2POSS birth COND ISG invite 2SG POSS friends 'When you want to celebrate your birthday, you have to invite your friends'.
Utterance 7 by participant N.P: 7. Meneԑ mbem la kɔnkɔnsa ka dekebe ɔ People some have gossip as something 'Some people like gossiping like something'.
Participants in a focus group discussion made comments during one of our group discussions.

Referee m kyiti yɛlɛ m sanga kɛrɛ ma Basafɔ m
Referee PL cheat HAB 3PLOBJ time all give Barcelona PL 'Referees always cheat us (Real Madrid supporters) for Barcelona (a football club.

Adjectives borrowed into Anufo
Adjectives are words that are also mostly borrowed into Anufo.These adjectives are borrowed because they are mostly use to describe certain concepts which Anufo as a language lack. Anufo naturally has limited number of some vocabularies for the expression of some concepts and ideas in areas like technology, education, commers and others. For instance, adjective of colour and shape. These adjectives in Table 4 are words that were captured during an interview section with some of the respondents. Below are some of the utterances (9&10) from which these words were uttered. Participant B.J: 9. Jese buruu fɔm hyi bɔɔlo bo paa jersey blue PL know ball play well 'Those in blue jersey can play football very well.' 10. Anoma nza nti diferԑn ne nwuma dԑ ne Yesterday drink was different and today own 'Yesterday's drink is different from today's.'

Adverbs loaned into Anufo
Adverbs as we know them are words used as modifiers of verbs or verb phrases to provide information about manner, place, time, frequency and others about an activity of a verb. Adverbs to provide such of the above concepts are in the lexicon of Anufo they still borrow from other languages like Twi and English. Table 3 shows some of the frequently borrowed adverbs into Anufo. The following borrowed adverbs were identified in utterances made by some participants during the interview segments of the data collection period. Utterance 11 from participant A.M: 11. Durɔba mbem ka loori sɔ bɔɔkɔɔ Driver PLsome drive lorry FOC slowly. 'Some of the drivers drive so slowly'.
Utterance 12 from participant A.M: 12. Noo fɔm sunu tara yԑԑse fɔm fioou No people more than yes people FOC 'The people who are for no are more than the people who are for yes'.

Loaned conjunctions into Anufo
Conjunctions are no exceptions of the parts of speech from which Anufo borrows its lexical items. Conjunctions unlike adverbs discussed earlier are words that join words or phrases together in utterances. Although Anufo have some conjunctions like those in English and other Ghanaian languages but native speakers of Anufo still borrow these words from other languages to express themselves in their daily activities. This is because conjunctions in Anufo are difficult in terms of pronunciation, but Twi and English adverbs are easily pronounceable. Table 4 shows some conjunctions that are borrowed into Anufo. The words (conjunctions) in Table 6 are borrowed from two different languages (that is English and Akan (Twi) into Anufo. These words are borrowed into the Anufo language for some reasons. One of the reasons is that some of the borrowed vocabularies cannot be found in Anufo lexicon. For instance, the words aada 'either'and soo 'so' do not have their counterparts or their equivalents in Anufo language that could express the same concept or idea. Because of this limitation Anufo speakers have no option than to borrow such words from languages that have them so that they (Anufo speakers) can express themselves well in new concepts.
Interjections are words or phrases that are used to express sudden emotions or feelings by the speaker. These words or expressions are used by speakers of every language to express themselves in utterances to function as pragmatic markers, initiating utterances and relating them to forgoing interaction. Table 5 contains loaned interjections from Twi. The borrowed interjections in the above Table 7 are borrowed because of the undermentioned reasons. The first reason why Anufo borrowed from these languages is that of prestige. This is because some of the words in other languages have become a cliché which everybody wants to use. There are words like 'tofiakwa', 'tweaa' and aputɔɔ.
Another reason for the borrowing of the interjections is the lack of its equivalent in the native language (Anufo). As a result of that speakers tend to borrow to fill the lexical gap.

Findings
One of the findings of this study is that aside the lexical items which are commonly known to be the categories that languages borrow from, there are also borrowing of words from grammatical categories into Anufo. The lexical categories that were found from the data include: nouns, verbs, and adjectives. The non -lexical ones comprise conjunctions and interjections.
One major finding of this study is that Anufo has borrowed more lexical items from the English Language (the official language of Ghana). It has also borrowed some sizable number of words from likpakpaln and Akan, both Gur and Kwa languages respectively. This is because out of the numerous borrowed words that were gathered from the field, a smaller percentage is confirmed to have Likpakpanl and Akan as their source languages. The heavily borrowings of lexical items from English language could be accounted for because of the influx of the media (especially, the electronic media; radio, and television) in the lives of Ghanaians and Anufo speakers, specifically. Again, English language as a lingua franca and also as an official language in Ghana and Anufo inclusive accounted for the heavy borrowing from it.
For the domain of borrowing, it was found that Anufo has borrowed words from education, governance, sport, politics, religion, agriculture, health, and other specialized fields such as sewing, dressmaking, carpentry, hairdressing, fitting (auto mechanic) among others.
The motivations for borrowing of lexical items from the source languages into Anufo as observed in the thesis are need, simplicity and prestige.

Conclusion
The objectives of the research were to find out what category of words are borrowed into Anufo. It has come to light that it is not only lexical items that were borrowed by Anufo, but grammatical ones were also loaned into Anufo. These lexical and grammatical items that have been borrowed into Anufo are nouns, verbs, adjectives, conjunctions, adverbs as well as interjections. These words were borrowed for some reasons; to fill lexical gap, for prestige and need.

Recommendation
I recommend the following for future research by other researchers. It was observed that, there were semantic changes of some of the words that are borrowed from the source languages to the target language (Anufo). Because of that, I recommend a semantic study of Anufo loanwords. This will inform us to know whether there is meaning narrowing, broadening or both in the borrowed words.
Secondly, the scope of the study targeted the Anufo language in totality with no specification on a particular dialect, but limitation in time led to the selection of a smaller area for data collection. Because of this, not much was obtained from the various dialects of Anufo language. I therefore recommend the same research in a broader area for data to be collected; this could be in the various regions and districts where the Anufo language is spoken so that a representative number constituting the Anufo language will be obtained.
Finally, there are other Ghanaian languages that have had contact with other languages and so are likely to borrow words from those languages; nothing has been done in the area of loanwords. And even with those on which research has been done in the area of loanwords, new trends might have sprung up.
I recommend loanword study in these languages so that a comparative study will be made possible to find out the differences and similarities of loanwords adaptation in Ghanaian languages.