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European Journal of Social Sciences Studies ISSN: 2501-8590 ISSN-L: 2501-8590 Available on-line at: www.oapub.org/soc Volume 2 │ Issue 7 │ 2017 doi: 10.5281/zenodo.843603 MEDIA REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICS AND MEDIA IN SOUTHERN AFRICA John Mpofui Senior Lecturer, Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Bulawayo Campus, Zimbabwe Open University, Zimbabwe Abstract: There has been a lot of rhetoric in the Southern African countries on the need to politically empower women although this has not really translated into substantial action. The current constitutions in Zimbabwe and South Africa do not provide any quota for women representation in politics. For example, women representation in the House of Assembly has fluctuated from one election year to the other since Zimbabwe attained independence in 1980. However, a new constitution appears to take critical steps towards enhancing gender equality in politics by proposing the allocation of 60 affirmative action seats for women for the first two terms after the new constitution is adopted. The 60 female MPs would add to the 210 parliamentary seats and the 88 senate seats that the country currently has. While this creates opportunities for more women to enter politics, the level of participation by the women proposed in the new Zimbabwean constitution still falls short of the benchmarks set by several local, regional and international policy frameworks that promote and support women’s extensive participation in politics. Thirty five years after the first multi-racial elections brought democracy to Zimbabwe ended the colonial government, the news media, as well as other social institutions, are still in the process of transformation. The news media have a particularly important role to play in a country where political participation is a new experience for many people. Media in Zimbabwe also faces the challenge of ensuring equal and fair representation of the entire population. Gender and media activists, in particular, have taken up the challenge of bringing about change in the media. This paper provides an overview of the current Zimbabwe media landscape with a particular focus on women in the media and politics. The first section presents background information about Zimbabwean women’s position in society. Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved. © 2015 – 2017 Open Access Publishing Group 32 Behzad Ghorbany Darabad NEW GOVERNING PRINCIPLES OF PUBLIC LAW IN RESPECT OF PUBLIC SERVICES Keywords: media representation, women, politics, media, Southern Africa 1. Introduction Women constitute 52% of the total Zimbabwean population (Statistics Zimbabwe, 2013) whilst in South Africa they constitute 51%. Rural women face a plethora of challenges in accessing basic services such as health, family planning, education and some means of production unlike their counterparts who reside in urban areas. Under the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), State Parties are, therefore, obliged to take all appropriate measures to address issues of rural development bearing in mind that most of the people living in rural areas are women. Harare and Bulawayo are predominantly urban provinces whilst the remaining eight provinces are predominantly rural settlements. The province with the highest proportion of the country’s population was Harare Metropolitan with 1 . percent followed by Manicaland with 13.6 percent. The province with the least population was Matabeleland North, 5.1 percent followed by Bulawayo Metropolitan with 5.3 percent. The survey showed that the ratio of males to females (sex ratio) was 93. Mashonaland Central was the only province that had more males than females, with a sex ratio of 101. The African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child and the Constitution of Zimbabwe section 81(1) define a child as any person who is below the age of 18 years. The Marriage Act [Chapter 5:11] states that marriage of girls between 16 and 18 years requires the consent of a parent/guardian or of a judge of the High Court in the absence of the parent/guardian and that the marriage of a girl below 16 years of age requires the consent of the responsible minister. The Act makes a distinction between boys and girls by setting different marriage ages. The Customary Marriages Act [Chapter 5:07] does not specify a minimum age of marriage. It is important to note that most of the marriages happening in the country follow the customary way and are, therefore, unregistered unions. This challenge with the marriage law regime poses problems when it comes to monitoring and preventing child marriages. In January 2016, the Constitutional Court formally outlawed child marriages as being unconstitutional. What remains is for the various pieces of legislation to be realigned to the Constitution. Child marriage is usually associated with high fertility compared to fertility among women who marry at later ages. Women who marry at younger ages are more likely to marry older men. Health consequences associated with early marriages include pregnancy related illness and deaths. In addition, women are likely to suffer abuse in cases where the spousal age difference is wide. Data from the 2014 MICS shows that child marriages, especially marriages before age 15, have been on the decline over the years. European Journal of Social Sciences Studies - Volume 2 │ Issue 7 │ 2017 33 Behzad Ghorbany Darabad NEW GOVERNING PRINCIPLES OF PUBLIC LAW IN RESPECT OF PUBLIC SERVICES For downloading the full article, please access the following link: http://oapub.org/soc/index.php/EJSSS/article/view/172 European Journal of Social Sciences Studies - Volume 2 │ Issue 7 │ 2017 34